Free Essays on Anwar Sadat

Anwar Sadat’s Leadership Muhammed Anwar al-Sadat, once the President of the Republic of Egypt is mainly remembered for his devotion to peace in the Middle East and as the first Arab leader to recognize Israel. Throughout his eleven years of presidency Sadat was determined to turn his country around. Anwar Sadat played a leading role in paving the way for Pacifism amongst Arabs and Israelis in the Middle East During his early years he was posted at a distant military base. While he was there he met Gamal Abdel Nasser, the current President of Egypt; this meeting would be the beginning of a political relationship that eventually led to the Egyptian presidency. Sadat began as Nasser’s public relations minister and trusted lieutenant (â€Å"Anwar†). In a world of superpower enemies, Sadat learned the dangerous game of nation building (â€Å"Anwar†). Nasser’s goal was to reestablish control over the Suez Canal. After Nasser led two wars against Israeli he was unsuccessful and put his country in turmoil. Under stress Nasser collapsed and died. Sadat was elected as Egypt’s president, and he immediately began proving his leadership abilities. Sadat wanted to finish what Nasser had tried to accomplish. To coax some movement toward peace, Sadat made a dramatic decision (Anwar). He launched the Arab-Israeli War of 1973. Egypt, Syria, and Iraq attacked Israel on the Jewish holiday of Yom Kippur, catching the Israelis off guard. Israel recovered quickly and forced the troops back to their initial gains. Even though the war ended with Israel in control Sadat was still devoted to â€Å"turning the war into a moral victory† (Sadat). This gave Sadat credibility which earned him respect of his countrymen. Having restored some of the Arabs’ wounded pride, Sadat moved decisively to change the face of the Middle East. Sadat stated, â€Å"There is no time to lose. I am ready to go to the ends of the earth if that will save one ... Free Essays on Anwar Sadat Free Essays on Anwar Sadat Anwar Sadat’s Leadership Muhammed Anwar al-Sadat, once the President of the Republic of Egypt is mainly remembered for his devotion to peace in the Middle East and as the first Arab leader to recognize Israel. Throughout his eleven years of presidency Sadat was determined to turn his country around. Anwar Sadat played a leading role in paving the way for Pacifism amongst Arabs and Israelis in the Middle East During his early years he was posted at a distant military base. While he was there he met Gamal Abdel Nasser, the current President of Egypt; this meeting would be the beginning of a political relationship that eventually led to the Egyptian presidency. Sadat began as Nasser’s public relations minister and trusted lieutenant (â€Å"Anwar†). In a world of superpower enemies, Sadat learned the dangerous game of nation building (â€Å"Anwar†). Nasser’s goal was to reestablish control over the Suez Canal. After Nasser led two wars against Israeli he was unsuccessful and put his country in turmoil. Under stress Nasser collapsed and died. Sadat was elected as Egypt’s president, and he immediately began proving his leadership abilities. Sadat wanted to finish what Nasser had tried to accomplish. To coax some movement toward peace, Sadat made a dramatic decision (Anwar). He launched the Arab-Israeli War of 1973. Egypt, Syria, and Iraq attacked Israel on the Jewish holiday of Yom Kippur, catching the Israelis off guard. Israel recovered quickly and forced the troops back to their initial gains. Even though the war ended with Israel in control Sadat was still devoted to â€Å"turning the war into a moral victory† (Sadat). This gave Sadat credibility which earned him respect of his countrymen. Having restored some of the Arabs’ wounded pride, Sadat moved decisively to change the face of the Middle East. Sadat stated, â€Å"There is no time to lose. I am ready to go to the ends of the earth if that will save one ...

5 Things You Didnt Know About Using Et Al.

5 Things You Didnt Know About Using Et Al. 5 Things You Didnt Know About Using Et Al. The phrase et al. is an integral part of many referencing systems, but it is also commonly misused in academic documents. Read on to find out more! 1. What Does Et Al. Mean? The phrase et al. is Latin for et alia, which means and others. It is therefore used in some referencing systems when there are too many authors to name in a single citation. 2. When Should I Use Et Al.? This depends on the referencing system used by your college, so remember to check your style guide! In most systems, however, it should  only ever be used when you are citing a source with more than three authors. The exact number of authors required before you should use et al. varies between referencing systems. In addition, some systems only use this term for repeat citations of sources with several authors (with all authors named in the first citation). 3. Should I Use It in the Bibliography? Not usually. As above, this may depend on the referencing system youre using, but typically the only place to use et al. is in the main text of your document. This is because most referencing systems specify naming every author in the bibliography or reference list. Some systems make an exception to this rule if the work you are citing has more than six or seven authors. APA referencing, for instance, specifies listing the first six names for sources with more than seven authors, followed by an ellipsis and the final named author. For a journal article with ten named authors, then, APA would require naming the first sixth and the tenth in your reference list. You have to feel a little sorry for authors seven through nine. 4. Do I Need the Period After Al.? Yes! Al. is a shortening of alia and always  needs a period to show that the word has been shortened, in the same way that we use a full stop for etc. and other Latin phrases. 5. Do I Need to Capitalize the Et? No! It is not a proper noun and would not usually appear at the start of a sentence. As such, it would be odd to capitalize it. It can be tricky to get little details like this right all the way through your essay. As such, if you want some help checking it over, just get in touch! We can help with all aspects of your work, including  proofreading,  formatting and checking the consistency of your references.

The Culture of Laos Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

The Culture of Laos - Essay Example Culture First of all, religious belief plays a decisive role within the scenario of Lao culture. To be specific, one can easily identify the influence of Buddhism in the culture of Laos. John Holt opines that, â€Å"When writing about Lao culture, however, one also has to take into account that most of the â€Å"ethnic Lao† population, and therefore Lao Buddhism and religious culture, actually resides outside of the current political boundaries of Laos† (9). At the same time, the different elements of culture, like art and literature, are deeply influenced by Theravada Buddhism. Besides, South East Asian conventional way of life still prevails in Laos and the same influence their cultural aspects. The influence of traditional way of life is evident in their food habits. For instance, rice is generally considered as an important food grain in Laos. The people of Laos connect their food habits with their culture because the same is related to their daily life. Physical location One can see that this nation is located within the South Eastern side of Asia. Lydia Laube states that, â€Å"Laos is a landlocked country of 236,800 square kilometres† (1). Some of the important nations in this region share their borders with this nation. To be specific, Laos shares its border with China, an important nation in this area. At the same time, Laos shares her boundary with Burma, a less dominant nation in this area. ... This nation is well known for its conservative measures that protect its natural vegetation. Still, opium production in the border areas is an important problem to be dealt with utmost importance. Population The present population of this nation is above 6 million. One must not misunderstand that most of the people live in big cities. Instead, most of the people live in the valley areas, especially within the banks of the most important river system in Laos, i.e. the River Mekong. Even the capital city (say, named as Vientiane prefecture) of this nation does not face population explosion because its population is below 800000. So one can see that population explosion is not an imminent threat for the people of Laos. Still, this low population is an advantage to the nation because this nation possesses the youngest population in the Asian continent. Religious beliefs The most important religious belief in this nation is Buddhism, especially Theravada Buddhism. To be specific, around 7 0% of the people believe in Theravada Buddhism. Besides, Christianity is less influential among the people in this nation. Still, the core aspects of Hinduism indirectly influence their beliefs because Buddhism originated from this religion. Besides, some people in this nation practice Animism, i.e., the belief that provides importance to the natural phenomena. On the other side, the constitution ensures religious freedom to the citizens. But the Communist/Socialist government provides less importance to religious practices in public. Ethnic groups One among the important ethnic groups in this nation is Lao Loum, who lives in the lowland region. To be specific, this ethnic group gained political and intellectual importance in the society. The origin of this ethnic group is

California Laws on Meals and Breaks Research Paper - 1

California Laws on Meals and Breaks - Research Paper Example From this paper it is clear that there is evidence that many organizations violate this law and are unwilling to provide this free time to the employees. Besides, some organizations provide these breaks at irregular time while others attach strict conditions regarding the utilization of this period. Therefore, it has become increasingly important to determine how the law should be implemented within the work environment and the role that the employees should play in contributing to the implementation of this law. Evidently, the government needs to support this work policy to reduce the various violation instances in the country. California’s breaks and meals laws provide employers with a framework on how to organize the working and rest period for their employees. According to the law, employers are required to provide their workers with 30 minutes break after every five working hours from the start time if the total working period exceeds 6 hours. Organizations that provide l ess than 6 working hours are exempted to this law as the government considers this working period considerably short. The implication is that if the workers have to work for more than ten hours, they must be awarded more than two breaks as a resting period. The law strictly requires that the five hours rule be adhered as part as obedience to the law. During the break, the employees are free to use this time for their personal duties rather than work. They are not limited to stay within the work premises and may leave to go to other places. However, they must return as soon as this break period is over to continue with their day work.

Otto Von Bismarck: Germanys Unification

Otto Von Bismarck: Germanys Unification Bismarck could not have unified Germany through his ambition alone; he had to exploit the already powerful existing forces of Industry, Liberalism, Nationalism and the increasing clamour from these groups for Prussia to assert her influence over Germany. The traditional German view from historians such as Heinrich von Treitschke  [1]  was that German unification was achieved in 1871 as a result of the actions of the iron chancellor, Otto von Bismarck, who meticulously planned the events leading to unification. Indeed a large number of pre-1945 German historians were keen to emphasise the role of Bismarcks diplomacy and military triumphs dismissing other factors such as the economy as unheroic and bourgeois.  [2]  The intentionalist approach during this period is hardly surprising given that Germany was very much still in love with the iron chancellor and German society as a whole was instilled with Military values and a love of strong leadership as seen with the later Hitler Myth. More recent historians however like A. J. P Taylor  [3]  , have argued that Bismarck had no such `master plan. Instead, Bismarcks success was a result of his flexibility as a statesman, Prussias economic power and its favourable diplomatic situation. The actual process of unification was mainly spread over three wars, products of Bismarcks diplomacy. However behind the scenes there were indeed many other significant factors before Bismarcks time and indeed during his time, that contributed, albeit to a small extent, to eventual unification in 1871. The basis of unification had been laid by Prussia before 1840, a basis founded not on political but on economic grounds  [4]  . While social and political movements, such as Liberalism and Nationalism, played a part the people with the power to cause change were much more concerned with their economic ambitions. Economic forces like the Zollverein shifted power from individual rulers of states to the middle classes who realised power and money could be gained from unification, as economist J.M Keynes said Germany was formed from coal and iron rather than blood and iron.  [5]   Adopting free trade, the same currency, weights and measures allowed more cooperation between members of the Prussian Customs Union thus increasing their dependence on each other. The Prussian customs union strived to protect German business from foreign influence by introducing tariffs on raw materials, especially iron and cotton from the industrial power house of Britain. These tariffs coupled with the doctrine of free trade meant wider markets for home-produced goods at cheaper prices. This broke down regional barriers and rivalry between states shifting the emphasis from pride in ones state to pride in a greater entity, a greater Germany. Initially the PCU did not include many states however the economic success of Prussia impressed smaller northern and central German states. Other states, jealous of Prussias success, formed their own unions with the emphasis more on spoiling Prussias trade that establishing their own. These unions were unable to compete with Prussia and most Ger man states threw their lot in with the Prussians and the new enlarged customs union, the Zollverein. The economic union of the Zollverein encapsulated over 25 states with a population of 26 million. The union gave some protection to the German home industries making trade easier for them, it stimulated there economic growth, encouraging the building of roads between Prussia, Bavaria, Wurttemburg and Frankfurt, and as it was founded and ran by Prussia it firmly established them as the economic leader in Germany and despite their reactionary manner many states also regarded Prussia as the natural leader of a united Germany. The Zollverein was in itself a force for unity and therefore a focal point for nationalist sentiments. The Zollverein also had a political effect in isolating Austria. The Austrians were committed to trade tariffs to protect their agriculture and industry; thus their inability to join the Zollverein served to increase Prussian power in the confederation. During industrialisation Prussias exports increased whilst Austrias decreased. This indicates that even before the appointment of Bismarck, Prussian leadership was successful in stimulating the economy. This economic unity also brought social and political unity to German states. It is not known if the Prussians intended to use the Zollverien as a tool for unification but according to Andrina Stiles Prussian ministers were well aware of the potential political ramifications those who found financial advantage in an economic union under Prussian leadership might be expected to take a favourable view of similar arrangements in a political union.  [6]  Historians critical of Bismarcks achievements such as Henderson  [7]  tend to agree with this view of the Zollverein being the greatest contributing factor for the reasons underlined by Stiles. It is however important to remember that structuralist historians in favour of factors like the economy also have the ability to exaggerate, Henderson claims that the unification of 1871 was merely the formal completion of a unity already achieved in the economic sphere  [8]  . This is a bit of a stretch, while the Zollverein was majorly important it did not bring unity with it, many members of the Zollverein still supported Austria up until the Franco-Prussian war despite the clear leadership of Prussia. It seems that the close economic links had made scarcely a dent in the traditional political hostility  [9]  Overall the Zollverien was more of a German market place as opposed to a national economy. Political ideologies thrived throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, challenging the old world feudal lords and absolute rulers. Spawned from the fires of the French revolution and the ideas of liberty, fraternity and equality nationalism and liberalism were forces to be reckoned with. The development of the railways, much like the autobahns later, inspired much nationalist feeling. One German economist described the network as the firm girdle around the loins of Germany binding her limbs together into a forceful and powerful body  [10]  . The railways made Germans more mobile which contributed to the breakdown of local and regional barriers. The appeal of Nationalism was rising among Germans, stimulated by poetry, music, history, philosophy and threats from foreign governments. In the face of this threat Germanys press threw their weight behind the nationalist upsurge and songs such as Deutschland uber Alles were scribed . The French invasion of Germany by Napoleon made the inhabitants of the 39 German states very aware of their military weakness as independent states. Germans who were normally content to be Bavarians, Westphalians or members of other states became discontented at the fact that Germany would be unable to stand against foreign oppression with much nationalistic feeling being generated throughout Germany in the face of a threat from the old enemy. This nationalistic feeling coupled with the effort to eventually drive the French armies out would draw the German people together with much clamour for a strong unified Germany. Liberal movements in Germany proved detrimental in dissolving the old feudal system of Germany. The removal of regional leaders such as the Duke of Brunswick meant that the states were no longer constrained by the will of a single ruler and could easily unify with other states if they so desired. A greater freedom of the press also allowed the Nationalist ideas to spread through Germany when before they would have been censored or put down by reactionary governments. The death of King Frederick William III of Prussia, in 1840, also helped to liberate Germans. His son who succeeded him acted much more like a constitutional monarch, abolishing censorship, releasing political prisoners and extending the powers of provincial diets. He also did not have the association with Austria that his father had held enabling him to stand out more as an independent German King. Together these factors began to generate pressure for unification even before Bismarck became involved in politics in any serious way A single unified Germany seemed all the more inevitable and by late 1840 there was an increase in clamour for the establishment of a unified Germany. However it is wrong to state that Germans were besotted with the idea. Most liberals were concerned with developments within their own state, not in the situation in Germany as a whole. German nationalism tended to be sporadic- erupting during periods of perceived danger and the subsiding again as seen with the French in 1840 and during the Schleswig-Holstein incident in 1846. Also, not all nationalists could agree on the true extent of the German nation-state they wished to create, these divisions would prove to a serious obstacle in 1848. There was also a divide culturally, between the more industrialised and liberal west and the agrarian, autocratic east. So while important, the social ideas of the tim e were not as nearly as significant as the economic forces moving across Germany. The failure of the Frankfurt Parliament to lead a successful revolution and create a united country in 1848 has led to harsh criticism. German Historian Eric Eyck  [11]  who dismissed the Frankfurt Parliament as a lawyers parliament holds the view that the Frankfurt parliament were a bunch of inexperienced intellectuals who wasted valuable time debating trivial issues rather than taking action to bring about a United Germany. This is rather harsh as there was very little prospect of there even being a successful revolution in 1848. The liberals who assumed the leadership of the revolt based their strategies on false assumptions, most notably the illusion that parliamentary government and national unity could be achieved through agreement with the princes. When the princes made clear their refusal to abide by the resolutions of the Frankfurt Parliament the parliamentarians had no alternative strategy in mind. They didnt consider a revolt against the princes because they, being mid dle class liberals, valued order and prosperity as much as the landowning aristocracy. German philosopher Karl Marx argued that it was the failure of the revolutionaries to build a strong base of support which ensured their failure. Taylor  [12]  echoes this view saying that it was the divorce between the revolutionaries and the people that determined the happenings of 1848 unfortunately Taylor held staunch left-wing views and so his view that this almost exclusively middle class revolution failed simply because of its omission of the working classes must be taken with a pinch of salt. Popular unrest did result in outbreaks of street fighting, but these were sporadic and confined to the main cities in a territory where most of the population lived in the countryside. Monarchy in Prussia and Austria retained control crushing political initiatives within their own states. Once the revolutions in Berlin and Vienna had been crushed the Frankfurt parliament had little prospect of being a respected legislature. The years following the 1848 revolutions were turbulent for much of Europe, with new governments tentatively trying to rebuild their power. Austrias first mistake following her diplomatic victory over Prussia at Olmà ¼tz concerned the Crimean War. Russia was trying to expand her interests in the Ottoman Empire to the strong disapproval of Britain and France; and despite a tradition of cooperation with one another, Austria showed open hostility by mobilising her army along the Danube. In this way Austria lost her most powerful and consistent ally, as was demonstrated in 1859 when Russia failed to help Austria against France when defending her Italian possession of Piedmont. It is easy to see the beginnings of isolation through inept diplomacy, particularly after such reckless abandonment of Metternichs cautious, cooperative policy, which attempted (with proven success) to implement Austrian policy through a Concert of Powers. The mistakes continued, and soon Bismarck would be in a po sition to exploit them. The Prussian constitutional crisis occurred in 1860-62 over the passing of a bill that proposed that military expenditure and resources should be increased significantly. Prussian army reforms were an essential element leading to unification. Bismarcks handling of the constitutional crisis in 1861 not only gained him promotion but it gave the Prussians the opportunity to reform their army to such an extent that it would become, in time, the most powerful in Europe. The army was doubled in strength, conscription increased to three years, and new weapons introduced. It can be argued that the reform of the army was Bismarcks first step on the path towards unification. This was essential if unification was to be achieved through force. Bismarck set Prussia on a war footing. The role of Bismarck and the Army after 1848 has been stressed by many historians. Gall  [13]  and Craig  [14]  both place Bismarck at the centre of the story .This is understandable since the declaration of t he German Reich in 1871 followed the victories of the Prussian army over Austria in 1866 and France in 1871, events it seems Bismarck engineered. Even Bismarck in all his wisdom would have failed had his policy attracted the attention of the great powers., he was lucky that Britain had interests away from the continent and that Russia had abandoned Austria. Indeed Mosse explains that Bismarcks skill alone is insufficient to explain the absence of hostile coalitions  [15]  . Bismarck proceeded to woo Napoleon III of France by promising him concessions in the Rhineland if France would stay out of an Austro-Prussian war. Napoleon also tried to twists circumstances to favour France by secretly negotiating a treaty with the Habsburgs. Bismarcks next step was to certify that Italy would not be a threat, and he ensured her cooperation in return for Venetia on the event of Austrias defeat. The last country that Prussia had cause of concern over was Russia. Luckily Austria had already alienated her over the Crimean War and Russian neutrality was easily assured by the Alvensleben Convention of 1863. In this way we can see Bismarck s ystematically isolating Austria, according to Mosse, Bismarck had demonstrated great skill in the exploitation of his opponents weaknesses but he had also operated in what was an exceptionally favourable European diplomatic environment.  [16]   Bismarck soon manoeuvred Austria into the second of his so called Wars of Unification  [17]  (The first being the war over Schleswig-Holstein). The Seven Weeks War between Austria and Prussia seems both a natural and obvious progression of the events of the 1860s, and a necessary preliminary for the national unification of Germany. The Prussian armies were superior to that of Austria in almost every way. Prussian mobilisation was extremely fast thanks to new train lines. Furthermore Prussias General von Molke was military strategist of genius, certainly in relation to Austrias Benedek who was working with a minimal military budget due to economic limitations. A victory both territorially and diplomatically for Bismarck, Prussia took the Elbe duchies and also the territories of Hanover, Saxony, Hesse-Kassel, Nassau and the important city of Frankfurt. By this point in 1867, Prussian hegemony was already clear in Germany, yet despite nationalist feeling peaking Bismarck did not des ire unification. Instead he formed its precursor the North German Confederation. Taylor has argued that Bismarck had no clear aim after the victories of 1866  [18]   The final military success Bismarck needed to engineer in order to secure Prussian supremacy in Germany (and therefore, indirectly, over Austria), was to cripple France. Austrias defeat came as a bad surprise to Napoleon III who feared a strong united Germany a fear that was quickly being realised. Tension mounted when a new Spanish government invited a member of the Prussian Kings family to take the Spanish crown in 1869. France, appalled at the prospect of the Hohenzollern dynasty at both its east and west borders, managed to stop the candidate from accepting the offer, a candidate who it is now apparent was only put forward due to pressure from Bismarck himself. Here we can see, once again, Bismarck attempting to engineer the politics of Europe to benefit Prussia. Bismarcks crafty escalation of the crisis through the Ems Telegram forced France to declare war in 1870, and therefore secured the help of his defensive allies in the southern German states. Through superior technology and leadership the Prussian armies defeated Napoleon III after six months bitter fighting and the Napoleonic Second Empire collapsed. The defeat of France brought Prussia new territories and wealth and played the ultimate role of bringing about Kleindeutschland  [19]  . Arguably the Prussian Military was the most important factor in German unification. While many would argue that the military strength of Prussia would not have been attainable without Prussian economic success it is important to note that territorial gains were only made as a consequence of the military action in Denmark, Austria and France. Economic success while important didnt bring about unification, as the southern states loyalty to Austria proved. It wasnt until Austrias defeat to Prussia in 1866 that Germans realised that Austria was no longer a viable alternative to Prussia and Unification. Bismarcks sabre rattling was only a viable method thanks to the reforms of Roon and the military leadership of Moltke. The use of the military was so crucial to Bismarcks plans that had it not been in the state it was Bismarck probably wouldnt have even been that important in the general scheme of things. Having said that, historians have played down the role of Bismarck and the military a pproaching the story of German unification from different perspectives, seeing it as the culmination of a long process in which the rise of national consciousness  [20]  and the growth of Prussias economic power  [21]  have been given greater prominence. Germany may have been politically unified in 1871 however it was far from united. Bismarck struggled to control his own unified Germany that he had fought so hard to create. Bismarck was constantly dependent on the Reichstag majority in order to pass legislation, therefore needing allies, which sometimes required drastic changes. Although Bismarck claimed that his ultimate aim as Chancellor was the creation and consolidation of Germany, his domestic policies included a number of attacks on Reichsfeinde , which included minority groups such as Poles, Jews and socialists, not to mention the biggest group being the Catholic Church. His failure to weaken the Catholics and Socialist groups emphasise his lack of control over German domestic Policy, as does his fall from power in 1890 due to a new Kaisers very different ideas for Germany.Having said that, class divisions, religious differences and regional variations were not unique to Germany. Conflicts between traditional forces and those pressing for the modernisation of society are common features of any society undergoing rapid political, social and economic change as Germany was during the years 1871-1890. The anticlimax of Bismarcks time in office in no way diminishes his achievement the fact remains that despite these divisions in society it was unlikely that the country would ever politically divide again simply on the whim of a few disgruntled liberals. Indeed it took a second world war to achieve that. It seems clear that Bismarck played an integral part in securing Prussias dominance over Austria and ultimately in bringing about the unification of Germany. But the question of how much is a topic of great debate. Bismarcks policies were not unique or original. In his advice to the monarch he frequently referred to the traditional rivalry of Austria and Prussia trends of which dated back to the 18th century and Frederick the great. Also Prussias ability to challenge Austria lay in its military strength and economic resources both of which had been built up by previous Prussian governments. It is also sometimes easy to overlook the fact that Bismarck was a patriot of Prussia and not Germany. Throughout his time in power, his first priority was always Prussia the unification was a means to glorify Prussia. Austrias time had come to an end two decades earlier at the end of the Metternich era: doomed to a period of unclear leadership, muddled direction and a complete lack of the nation alist identity required to excite such unification. It is essential to note that although Bismarck is presented not least by himself in his Memoirs as a diplomatic genius who did not make mistakes, and who had a Prussian-led German unification mapped out at every stage years in advance, there are some important considerations that should be taken note. In his foreign policy, he was often an opportunist rather than an engineer. His diplomatic outmanoeuvring of Denmark owed much to a Danish miscalculation of support from Britain and France. Furthermore, the Austro-Prussian war was essentially a German Civil War which initially made Bismarck a villain and not a hero in the eyes of many nationalists. It was also a huge gamble that may have only paid off due to Austrian incompetence and inept leadership. Finally, it is also important to note that though Bismarck may have had a grand design for unification, he had no clear means to see how, how far, or at what pace Prussia might defeat Austria and unify the states.

Egon Schiele Biography

Egon Schiele (1890-1918) was a man concerned with issues of sexuality and death. Like other members of the Expressionist movement of the early twentieth century, he was fascinated with making his mental processes visible through his art. He wished to express his feelings about sexuality directly, rather than alluding to the subject as so many artists had done previously, artists such as Manet or Ingres. Instead, he took his cue from the influences of Rodin and Gustave Courbet, dealing with his subject directly, as he does in the piece Nude with Green Turban (1914). But unlike Courbet, who dealt with his subject in an effort to shock and influence the staid French Royal Academy, as in the case of L'Origine du Monde, 1866 (at right), Schiele explores the issue of sexuality in an attempt to express his own fascinations with the subject, irregardless of the opinions of others. In Nude with Green Turban, the subject is placed in a blank space. She is seemingly alone, so alone that there is nothing in the world of the piece except her. It's as if the viewer is meant to become part of the immediacy of her moment. Indeed, this may be what Schiele intends, having become lost in his own moment of artist to subject. Schiele owes much of this immediacy to Rodin's innovation of the continuous line drawing, and Schiele employs the method here. He has sketched her quickly, capturing her in her moment before going back to fill in the details. However, he has only completed the details selectively. Her shoes are well rendered, as are the shadows and fullness of her thighs and hands. In the turban as well, he has completed the small details of a knot, and filled it with the same color as the colors he's used as emphasis to the shadows her hands create. But her face is hastily done, her nose and closed eyes mere triangles. Her mouth is only the symbol of a mouth. She's as if she's a puppet, expressionless with no individuality. In so doing, he has removed the humanity from her, making her merely a body upon which her hands, and presumably the fantasies of the artist and viewer, play. I'm sure an argument could be made about how this is an example of the objectification of women within the early twentieth century and before. History has certainly shown repeatedly how women in art are mere objects for the male fantasy. What makes this different is how Schiele has not created her as a prize for whomever owns her, but has created her as an outlet for his own fantasy (and, I should hope, for hers). However, today I don't believe Schiele would be able to create such overt expressions of his fantasies without cries of outrage from the feminist community. Since the 1960's, women have progressed away from being objects and possessions, giving themselves a face and a voice within the western world. Today, Schiele would be forced to give his model a face, and perhaps a name. While much of today's art is as direct in its subjects as Schiele's art is, the mere suggestion of objectifying a woman in a sexual act is taboo. Instead, if Schiele were to give her a face, a name, and place her into a world other than the blank canvas of the viewer's mind, she would become, in effect, â€Å"real. † In becoming a â€Å"real† woman, she would become an expression of femininity not being afraid to be feminine. She would become part of the world women inhabit, able to be claimed by women as one of their own. As she is now, she is a fantasy, a creature of male sexual expression. Much of the art today seems to be concerned with issues of fantasy versus reality. With the advent of the internet, more and more people are able to express their internal fantasies upon someone else. In this way, Schiele's work is extremely contemporary. People want to lose themselves within images, feeling the ideas of the artist, but I do not believe that most art patrons want their art to be as obvious as Schiele's. That said, I believe that Schiele's themes of fantasy and sexuality would be more subtle today. People want the slow glow of accomplishment that they receive in correctly interpreting a piece of art. Direct sexuality is outre and today's public seems to prefer a more subtle approach. Nude with Green Turban is a prime example of Egon Schiele's objectification of his subject, not out of line with the schema of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, portraying women as sexual objects of the male fantasy. With the women's movement of today, this theme would be handled in such a way as to include not only the male fantasy, but the female fantasy as well, by removing her objectification. She would become more real. In addition, the sexual subject would be more subtle in an attempt to reach all viewers, introducing an intellectualism that appeals to the female mind as well as the male, creating eroticism out of perceived pornography.

The War Against Term Papers Writing Service

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